Stop calling Biden a “socialist.” It just makes you look silly.

He’s a Third-Way Neoliberal.

The first thing to explain is that “neoliberalism” is not a lefty political/economic ideology. It’s conservative (I’ll explain why it has the word “liberal” in it below). Reagan was the first neoliberal President, and he did the most to reshape American policy as neoliberalist. Clinton, Obama, HRC, and Biden are not and were not socialists. They are “third way neoliberals.”

Here’s why it’s called neoliberalism.

In the late 18th and early 19th century, a political ideology arose that is often called “liberalism.” [1] The New Dictionary of the History of Ideas defines “liberalism:”
“It is widely agreed that fundamental to liberalism is a concern to protect and promote individual liberty. This means that individuals can decide for themselves what to do or believe with respect to particular areas of human activity such as religion or economics. The contrast is with a society in which the society decides what the individual is to do or believe. In those areas of a society in which individual liberty prevails, social outcomes will be the result of a myriad of individual decisions taken by individuals for themselves or in voluntary cooperation with some others.” [2]

It’s useful to distinguish between political and economic liberalism—a point that will take a while to explain.

It’s paradoxical, but important, to understand that all the major political parties and movements in the US endorse political liberalism, or claim to. The disagreement is how to honor individualism, but notice that, in the major policy disagreements, everyone argues from within a frame of promoting individual freedom (gun control is about the freedom to carry a gun or the freedom to speak freely without worrying about shot, the freedom to be LGBTQ+ or the freedom to condemn them).

In the nineteenth century, economic liberalism advocated no governmental intervention in the “free market,” saying that the “free market” would better determine prices, wages, and working conditions. In Britain, this led to the potato famine among other catastrophes. In the US, it led to a cycle of booms and busts, outrageous working conditions, and environmental degradation that tanked the economy (I have to meet a person who advocates this kind of liberalism who knows much of anything about the 19th century economic cycles, working conditions, or the dust bowl). Because liberalism was such a disaster—worldwide—as was shown in 1929, a lot of people started considering other options. There were, loosely, four options that countries chose.

In the early twentieth century, a lot of people argued that liberalism as a political philosophy could be separated from liberalism as an economic philosophy (in other words, economic and political liberalism aren’t necessarily connected). But many people argued (and still do) that the commitment to a political practice (authoritarianism, democracy, monarchy) can’t be separated from an economic practice (mercantilism, autarky, capitalism, and so on). Stalinists and fascists (who have a lot in common, rhetorically) endorsed that (false) notion that political and economic commitment are the same, and insis(ed)t that, if you choose this economic system, you are necessarily choosing that political system.[3] They were wrong, and they’re still wrong, but that’s a different post. [4]

In the 19th and early 20th century, there were a lot of kinds of socialism. That’s why Communist Manifesto spends about a third of the book arguing with other socialists about why they should be their kind of socialist. That’s also why various activists who were conservative in terms of things like sexuality but radical in terms of economic issues sometimes called themselves socialist (such as Dorothy Day), and were not endorsing Stalinism.

In the early twentieth century, a lot of people believed that “individuals can decide for themselves what to do or believe with respect to particular areas of human activity such as religion,” but the government can “intervene” in regard to issues like food safety, accuracy in advertising, fraud, consciously fatal work conditions, exploitative contracts, deliberate manipulations of the market, and so on.

In other countries, this was called democratic socialism, but FDR (if I have my history correct) called it liberalism. Supposedly, he thought that people would reject the “socialism” term, and his political agenda was liberal (but his economic one wasn’t). And he’s right. I can’t even begin to estimate the number of people who say, “SOCIALISM ALWAYS ENDS IN DISASTER” (they do like them some caps lock) when someone wants to reject economic “liberalism.” It simply isn’t true that rejecting economic liberalism ends in disaster, if people maintain political liberalism. On the contrary, if people try to maintain economic liberalism at the expense of political liberalism, disaster ensues.

A society with political, but not economic, liberalism is one that doesn’t require you to have particular religious, ideological, sexual, or even political ideologies, as long as it’s all consenting adults, and there’s no force involved. The basic premise of liberalism is that your right to swing your fist stops at my face, and so a society with political liberalism is always arguing about that point of contact.

Economic liberalism has a different problem. One of the problems is empirical. The contradiction at the heart of economic liberalism is that there is force involved—no market is free. The coercion might be the government coercing businesses into behaving certain ways, businesses coercing each other, businesses coercing employees, employees coercing business. Paradoxically, the only way to maintain the ability of the individual to decide for themselves (the core of liberalism) is if the government intervenes to ensure that the market doesn’t enable some individuals (or corporations) to engage in force.

Economic liberalism as a political program got hammered by the Depression and the needs of a war economy. Post-war, there were people who argued that we’d gone too far in the direction of government intervention in the market, and we needed to go back to economic liberalism. They’re called neoliberals, because it’s a new form of the classical liberalism of the 19th century. They argue that we should let the markets take care of almost everything. As I said, Reagan was a neoliberal.

Some people felt we went too far in the direction of neoliberalism, and, while we didn’t need the governmental intervention of LBJ’s Great Society, a market completely free of government control ground the faces of the poor, destroyed God’s creation, and landed us in unwise (and endless) wars (it’s important to understand how much of this political agenda is religious). The idea was that these goals could be achieved by the government working with the market to establish incentives. This kind of person is typically called a “Third Way Neoliberal.” They want to preserve as much freedom in the markets as is compatible with legitimate community ends. They support capitalism as the most desirable economic system.

Whether that’s possible is an interesting argument. Whether it leads to Stalin’s kind of socialism isn’t.[5] And that’s what Clinton, Obama, HRC, and Biden are and were. Third Way Neoliberals.






[1] There are never just two political ideologies at play in any given era, so people who think, “If you aren’t this, then you must that” are always reasoning fallaciously.
[2] Charvet, John. “Liberalism.” New Dictionary of the History of Ideas, edited by Maryanne Cline Horowitz, vol. 3, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2005, pp. 1262-1269. Accessed 24 June 2020.
[3] Right now, we have this weird situation in which a lot of people who claim to be neoliberal in terms of economic agenda are arguing for fascism in the political agenda. David Neiwert has made that argument about Rush Limbaugh, for instance.
[4] If you want a really good book about the Nazi economy, and how it ended up being not what fascists supposedly want, Adam Tooze’s Wages of Destruction is deeply researched and elegantly argued.
[5] While some democracies have slid into authoritarianism, slowly voting in or allowing increasingly authoritarian policies to stand, they haven’t slowly moved into communism. Communism arises from people being in desperate situations, and there’s a violent revolution of some kind. As someone said, probably Orwell, you have to be in a desperate situation to be willing to give up ownership of your last cow.



How Trump’s tariff war shows the deep irrationality of neoliberal media

G.K. Chesterton has an article about how some event (if memory serves, it was a fire) was framed differently by media depending on what was most politically useful. He says that the sad state of their political world was that something like a fire would be covered differently purely on the basis of whether the incident could be used to excuse or beat up on the other side. He was right.

Chesterton was describing a world in which every incident is used as an example of how the in-group is good or the out-group is bad. There is an incident (a building burns down), and factionalized media deduce how to frame the incident on the basis of what most helps their faction. Factionalized media can deduce that identical behavior (a building burns down) is an inescapable tragedy (if the in-group is in power) or a sign of the deep corruption/incompetence of the out-group (if the out-group is in power).

In such a world, there are no actually principled political positions, just group factionalism. But the people engaged in irrational factionalism don’t like to see themselves (ourselves) that way, and so they/we instead claim that we are passionately committed to a principle–such as neoliberalism. But, when the behavior of an in-group politician violates the principle, then people whose political positions are deduced from loyalty to faction face cognitive dissonance: we are actually only engaged in irrational rationalizing grounded in-group loyalty, but we like to think that  then we are principled people whose stances are logically consistent.

Thus, we might say we are enraged at the idea that a President would use his position as President for financial gain  because that violates a principle for us (such as arguments about Obama or Clinton’s book deals). People whose outrage about Clinton or Obama’s book deals was grounded in principle would be outraged at Trump pushing people to stay in his hotels.

If they aren’t, then the outrage about Clinton and Obama was never about a principle.

It was about their being Democrats. (And, similarly, if people who defended Clinton’s groping but were outraged about Trump’s groping, it’s all about faction and not principle.)

There are few better examples of that deductive factionalism of our world than what is happening with Trump tweeting that “American companies are hereby ordered to immediately start looking for an alternative to China,” and how his base has responded.

The first point to make is that, had Obama tweeted exactly the same thing–that he hereby ordered businesses to stop doing business with China–, the people defending Trump’s tweet would have chewed off their own arms in rage.

In a way, this post could end there. Unless the people now defending Trump say that they would have praised Obama for the same tweet (and behavior), then they’re admitting that they’re irrationally committed to the in-group, they don’t have political principles, but just factional commitment, and their arguments in favor of any policy are deductive factionalism.

One of the characteristics of rational political argumentation is that you hold all groups to the same standards—regardless of faction. If a trade war with China is good when a GOP does it, then it’s good when a Dem does it. If people think that the Economic Emergency Act gave Trump the power to tell businesses what to do, then they would not have objected had Obama done the same thing. If Obama had engaged in a tariff war with China exactly like Trump’s, the people with rational positions on Trump’s tariff war would have supported it.

If people currently defending Trump would not have defended Obama equally vehemently had he done the same thing, then they’re just unprincipled claques.

The second point is that one of the major arguments for Trump and his policies is neoliberalism —the notion that “the market” is self-regulating , and that all intervention or governmental control makes things worse.

Neoliberals (a term that doesn’t mean what much of Trump’s base think it means–neoliberals vote GOP and support Trump) argue that open markets are the best way for the world to work. Thus, if the commitment to a free market were a principled commitment, and not just motivated reasoning, they would express outrage at Trump ordering businesses to do anything.

What Trump did is a complete violation of neoliberalism. Reason, The Heritage Foundation, Fox News, and all the “the market is rational” politicians and pundits should be in a rage about Trump saying that he can issue an order to tell the market how to operate. But, as far as I can tell, they aren’t. None of them is supporting him (which is interesting) but they are not writing the pieces they would have written had Obama done exactly what Trump is doing.

It’s the same problem with Trump’s promise to use government power to force companies to stay in the US (which he hasn’t actually enforced) or to keep coal mines open (which he hasn’t done)—that’s government intervention in the market, which neoliberals claim they are, in principle, completely opposed to. Neoliberal media would have been so outraged their hair would have caught on fire had Obama said he would do those things. Where is the outrage about Trump?

Neoliberals’ failure to call out Trump for his telling businesses what they should do is an admission that they don’t actually think “the market is rational and will sort things out.” Or, to be more accurate, they only think that when it’s a convenient thing to think–when it supports their political faction. They’re loyal to the faction first and to the principle much later than that.

What I’m seeing are various FB acquaintances who have chuffily announced that Trump is taking a hard stance in regard to China (the preponderance of tumescence metaphors in politics really gets on my nerves) who previously endorsed the unleashed market model.

If neoliberals are arguing, as they are, that the market is the true judge of everything, except when it isn’t, then they’re either saying that their claim about the market is just motivated reasoning; or they have to admit that “the market is rational” doesn’t end arguments, and we have to engage in argumentation about whether this exception is valid.

As it stands, the neoliberal defense of Trump is: the market is magically rational except when it isn’t, and we aren’t willing to engage in argumentation about any of that. That isn’t a rational position.